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Old love

Humra Quraishi is heartened by the idea of senior citizens wanting to give marriage a try in their ageing years.

At this point, there is very little use talking about the DMK and why it pulled out of its political arrangement with the UPA, for even as I write this, I am certain that the UPA will have grabbed or tempted another partner into its folds, may be a more compatible one.

I’d rather focus on the marriage fairs taking place in our country today, events that give our senior singletons a chance of getting a compatible mate in their autumn years. It’s a heartening development that we are no longer bypassing our middle-aged and the aged for marriage and companionship. Even better is the fact that we are beginning to realise that their emotional cravings, urges and wants are still intact and need voice.

Anyway, why should widows, widowers and divorcees, apart from ageing spinsters and bachelors be all alone? They have every right to have a partner to love and to hold. Let such fairs take place in every single city of this land. Let there be happiness in the lives of hundreds of men and women who are lonely and fending for themselves, battling with something as killing as loneliness.

People think that after a certain age, a person needs nothing more than material comforts. A man or woman can be well-equipped in terms of money and every comfort known to mankind, but money doesn’t buy you buy emotional support. Money can buy you sex, but not emotions.

I’m reminded of this line from Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s Memories Of My Melancholy Whores, “Sex is the consolation one has for not finding enough love.” What great philosophy is tucked into these words! I hope this philosophy sits well on those who organize these wedding fairs for senior citizens, and who help bring out those lonely souls from beyond the barriers that their own kith and kin impose on them, as do hackneyed traditions and outdated norms.

But just one word of advice to those wondering if they should participate in such fairs: don’t confuse these marriage fairs with cattle fairs. Go with an open mind and come away with someone you are compatible with.

Humra Quraishi is a senior political journalist based in Gurgaon. She is author of Kashmir: The Untold Story and co-author of Simply Khushwant.

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Beyond the high walls

Humra Quraishi wonders what goes on inside our jails, and why cannot believe that some prisoners may want to reform.

Delhi gangrape accused Ram Singh was found dead in Delhi’s Tihar Jail early this week. But his story does not end with his death. Whether Ram Singh was murdered or forced to kill himself is just one of several questions arising from the incident. You could have a hundred television discussions on whether woh maara gaya ya mar gaya, but that’s not the main issue.

His death highlights a larger question, and not just for those confined in this particular jail: are prisoners sexually abused by other inmates and jail staff? Are prisoners silenced to suit those ruling and overruling prime institutions in the country? Are jails reforming the accused or merely killing them slowly? Are undertrials, who form the  bulk of those  imprisoned, subjected to torture?

More importantly, do any of those apolitical watchdog groups hear the shrieks and cries of those languishing in jail?

In this same context, I want to ask why we got so excited by actor-activist Rahul Bose’s comment, that those accused who are remorseful and want to reform should be given a second chance? What was so offensive about this statement? Why do we, while getting really hyper about what somebody says, overlook the fact that we, as a collective lot, are responsible for what’s happening around us?

See, if jails and prisons in our country did actually reform and heal their inmates, then I would hold out some hope for those being confined there. But in the present day, only horror stories emerge of our jails, where hundreds and thousands of people languish as undertrials. I quote a widely-circulated report that highlights these statistics: “In Chhattisgarh, over two thousand Adivasi undertrials are currently in jail. For many, the trial has not been progressing, despite being held for over two years. In Jharkhand, the figure is even larger. Similar situations prevail in Odisha, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh…”

To this, let me add that probably the same, if not graver, conditions prevail in other jails, too, and not just in overcrowded jails. What makes the matter worse is that no news trickles out from behind those high walls. What we hear are stray reports of prisoner violence, and there’s no way of knowing what really happens inside.

In these circumstances, since we are confining prisoners for long spaces of time, why not give them the opportunity to truly reform? I’m sure a lot of them want to make amends and mend their ways. I feel that Rahul Bose’s statement is born of wisdom and compassion, both of which we are increasingly bypassing with other human beings, and especially with criminals.

I would go so far as to suggest that Rahul Bose write a book about his thoughts on the matter. Whatever one may so or feel about him, I have always thought that there was something very honest about him. I’ve met him just once – at a book launch in New  Delhi – but he left an impression. I’d asked him if I could interview him. To that, he’d  quipped, “We actors give interviews only when our films are being released!”

(Picture courtesy timeslive.co.za)

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Not part of the sham

Humra Quraishi refuses to say the words ‘Happy Women’s Day’ until the country’s realities undergo a change for the better.

Should I start this column with a formal greeting – Happy Women’s Day! – or should I bluntly say that I wouldn’t greet anyone this way, because I detest formalities that reek of hypocrisy? I have never believed in saying fashionable sentences for anyone’s sake.

And besides, of what use is this statement when the condition of women and children and even young men in this country is pathetic? It would be best if those manning big commissions and Government ministries went beyond speeches or elaborate tea sessions, merely to issue a statement. Instead, they should take the rounds of prison cells where women are lodged and detained, pushed to the wall. If policewallahs in Punjab can publicly thrash women on the road, I can well imagine what must go on behind closed doors!

No, I don’t want to parrot oft-repeated statements from the comfort and privacy of my home and office, being part of the multitude that participates in the Women’s Day sham. What are we doing about our country’s serious realities? And for how long are we going to pretend that those oppressed and troubled will not strike back?

Humans are made of emotions, flesh, blood and they take affirmative action. If oppressed for long, they are bound to react, as history has shown us time and time again. And in the current scenario, people are bound to react to State terror. In fact, in his enthusiasm to give speeches, Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde often forgets to mention that with those other ‘terrors’ he speaks about, there’s also something called State terror. And this State terror is the most lethal of all, for it has no limits. It kills innocents, it targets women and children. And it works all the time – even on Women’s Day and Children’s Day and Human Rights Day!

(Picture courtesy AP)

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Why the Railway Budget makes no sense

Humra Quraishi describes her adventures with the Indian Railways and wonders if travel basics would ever be taken care of.

Whilst reading my daily Thought For The Day a few days ago – Blaise Pascal’s ‘ Small minds are concerned with the extraordinary, great minds with the ordinary’, I muttered aloud that this thought seems to fit rather well with Railways Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal’s rail budget.

Typically, the Rail Budget comprised big announcements of bigger trains, especially from his home town Chandigarh, complete with hackneyed tricks of modern-day technology (he was trying to sound technology savvy, I think) without paying attention to the grim fact that e-bookings and reservations are beyond the reach of most of his countrymen. But the Honourable Minister doesn’t seem bothered to look into ground realities. Nor does he seem particularly concerned about the dangers lurking for rail passengers – no, not in the form of terrorists, but rats and cockroaches and stray dogs in and around train compartments.

Mind you, I am not talking of slow passenger trains but those special ones – the Rajdhanis and Shatabdis. I really want to see what the Minister’s new wonder – Anubhuti – will be like.

I’m not much of a traveller; the last time I took the train was the Lucknow-Delhi Shatabdi and the Delhi-Ajmer Shatabdi. There were rats in the coach and the railway staff’s only solution seemed to be to play hide-and-seek with them. We tried putting our feet in a high-alert (and higher-than-ground-level) posture, but you know how it is. After a point, you forget to remain so tense, only to be reminded by another darting rodent. We remained restless for long hours. As if that wasn’t enough, several well-fed cockroaches arrived on the scene, sniffing around the food trays that nobody would bother to take away hours after we’d eaten.

Then there were dogs on the platforms. Not one or two, but several loitering around as though it was their home territory (which it probably was). I was dismayed to see how the railway platform of the capital city was stinking with the filth and the animals around.

The Honorable Railway Minister should undertake a train journey one of these days, one of those unannounced and ‘spontaneous’ ones that his ilk is so fond of taking in the presence of press photographers and news channels, so that he can see the mess in the Indian Railways for himself. It will be even better if he carries a bag or two, preferably containing valuables, and experience for himself the many thefts taking place on station platforms. During one of our journeys, one of our handbags was cut into and left bereft of the last rupee tucked within its interiors; we rushed to the police station situated at the end of New Delhi Railway station, only to hear the paunchy policewallahs tell us that it was next to impossible to retrieve the stolen stuff. Very philosophically they added, “Madam, what is gone is gone.”

Mr Bansal, it is spring…that time of the year when there’s supposed bahaar in and around your bungalow, but do try and move out from your gardens and take a stroll on the railway platforms. Just like in your Budget speech, I am certain that you will utter some more of those moving couplets you regaled us with a few days ago, but this time, you may genuinely feel what you say. If you do take such a trip, be sure to watch out, apart from the filth and the mess, for the little children, some of them battered beyond recognition and several others made to beg. Look out also for the many unscrupulous activities that take place in the Railways’ premises. But no, don’t go as a minister with those sepahis and chamchas hovering around you, but as an average Indian who travels without security convoys.

Humra Quraishi is a senior political journalist based in Gurgaon. She is the author of Kashmir: The Untold Story and co-author of Simply Khushwant. 

(Picture courtesy bryansander.com)

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‘Being’ a Muslim

Humra Quraishi wonders what it will take for us to break away from the strange stereotypes we associate with Muslims.

In the last few years, I’ve attended several public meetings held in New Delhi that dealt with the growing despair amongst Muslims, and their constant dread of being profiled as terrorists, followed by denials of bail, tortures, biased police investigations and trials, and extra-judicial killings. Not to mention the daily discrimination in education, employment, housing and public services.

Compounding this situation, rightly or wrongly, are the weird stereotypes that prevail about Muslims in India. That they breed like rabbits and eat meat at every occasion. That they don’t bathe. So often, I’ve been asked, “You really a Muslim? You don’t look like one!” What am I supposed to look like? Doing salaams or stuffing meatballs into my   mouth, I suppose, if not cooking and eating biryani every day, or going out of doors on the arm of a bearded, achkan-clad, hatted man with a brood of squabbling children trailing me.

An average Indian Muslim’s lifestyle isn’t very different from that of his fellow Indians’.  There is no difference, except for this – a deep sense of insecurity! Mind you, this does not come from you or me or other apolitical Indians, but from those who are at the very  helm: communal politicians and their allies.

In my parents’ home, like in most Indian homes, dark realities were seldom discussed. At least, not openly, and definitely not in front of children. But what’s happening outside our homes cannot be brushed under the carpet for long, and children are very intuitive and sensitive to undercurrents of something amiss. As I write this, I remember how some snippets of whispered conversations would find their way to my ears, often on a late evening when my two younger sisters and I would lie sprawled under mosquito nets on our beds.

My grandfather, certain we were asleep, would sit discussing things with my grandmother, things such as the horrific rioting in one of the areas of Uttar Pradesh, and of Muslims getting killed or hounded by the PAC jawans. I was very young then, and these stories were difficult to come to terms with. To this day, those accounts of police brutality have stayed with me, imprinting themselves on my mind permanently as I saw for myself those same things taking place, frighteningly and frequently backed by a powerful political-police nexus.

Another reality lay right in front of us every summer, when we’d travel down to Shahjahanpur to spend the vacations with my maternal grandparents. It was here that I first saw acute poverty among Muslims. Around  my nana’s ancestral home, an entire  mohalla lay spread out, housing poverty-stricken Muslims, many of them would come to our home recounting not just stories of their poverty, but of so many insecurities of the worst kind. The Right-wing political mafia often called this township ‘miniPakistan’, because it largely comprised Muslims.

As a child, these things hit hard. As I grew up, it got harder to cope as I saw and sensed  very early in life that I belonged to a minority community that faced some very obvious communal biases. Tragically, these realities have worsened in recent years. I didn’t have to be an investigative reporter to find this out. I didn’t even have to go into Muslim mohallas or bastis. I saw and heard and experienced it all right here, in our capital city.

Soon after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, it was traumatic to remove the nameplate from outside our home which, at that time, was situated in New Delhi’s high profile Shahjahan Road, a high-security VVIP area. Why did we have to remove it? Because it bore a Muslim name. There were constant rumours of mobs attacking Muslim homes. After all, during the anti-Sikh riots of 1984, the home of at least one senior Sikh bureaucrat was targeted in Lutyens’Delhi.

After the Babri Masjid demolition, I did an in-depth feature for the Illustrated  Weekly of India on how Muslim children studying in the best public schools of the capital city had to hear snide comments, not just from their classmates but also from some of their teachers. The demolition had several Muslim mothers change their children’s names/surnames to ensure basic survival.

Several Muslim mothers from Ahmedabad, Malegaon and Hyderabad have told me, “The police pick our children up even if a cracker bursts in the area. They are sometimes released after weeks or months, but their names lie forever in police records, so they are picked up again, the next time there’s another crime in the area.” It’s well-known by now that young Kashmiris who step out of the Valley to study or work in different cities of this country, are immediately looked upon with suspicion by the local cops and given a hard time.

I don’t harbor any hopes from the often barbaric policing that happens in this country, but I do harbor hopes from fellow Indians who are determined to fight the system. I firmly believe that our social fabric is still intact because of apolitical men and women of this country, especially those who belong to the ‘majority’ community, and who can see and sense the divisive politics at work. They are doing their utmost to see that good sense prevails. Along the way, they are helping hundreds and thousands of innocents and the disadvantaged survive against all odds.

Humra Quraishi is a senior political journalist based in Gurgaon. She is author of Kashmir: The Untold Story and co-author of Simply Khushwant.

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Defending Afzal Guru

What did it take to defend Parliament attacker Afzal Guru in court? In her book, lawyer Nandita Haksar explains all.
by Humra Quraishi

I confess I am appalled by the Afzal Guru hanging. Hanged and buried in absolute secrecy, without informing his family and without sensitivity to basic human rights – but there is also a bigger picture here.

I did not know Afzal Guru and had never met him. A few years ago, I read his lawyer, the respected activist and human rights campaigner Nandita Haksar’s book, Framing Geelani, Hanging Afzal: Patriotism In The Time of Terror. Published six years ago by Bibliophile South Asia, I had attended its launch here in New Delhi, where some of our best-known academics spoke as well.

Former Vice Chancellor of Delhi University, Professor Upendra Baxi was one of the speakers, and all of them focused on some harsh realities in terms of human rights violations, biased machinery, communal politics and so on. Reading the book later, several more realities hit me, through the series of open letters that Nandita (in pic on right) writes, including one to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, where she highlights the brutalities this system heaps on its people.

If the top rung of our current leadership would take the time out to read this volume,  they would not be able to sleep at all. The 348-page volume carries all the possible facts about SAR Geelani and Afzal Guru in the context of this case, and the serious offshoots that follow.

I reread this book on Saturday, as the morning brought the news of Afzal Guru’s hanging.  I quote Nandita from her book, more specifically from the chapter, ‘Letter to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’:

‘I am sure you know that I have been part of the defence team of SAR Geelani, the man who was first sentenced to death on charges of conspiring to attack the Indian Parliament, and then acquitted by the High Court of Delhi. I have been accused of being anti-national and people have expressed shock that a daughter of a nationalist father should betray his ideals. I feel the need to explain why I took up the case and what I learnt about our country in the course of this case…

‘I do not know how many Kashmiri prisoners there are in Tihar Jail. Most of these men are locked inside the high security cells of the jail. They are denied basic facilities and are subjected to torture and brutalities inside the jail, and often their lives are in danger. There were at least two attempts on the life of Geelani while he was in jail. More recently, two other prisoners have been attacked inside the high security cells of the  Tihar Jail.

‘I have details of other atrocities, brutalities and crimes committed by the jail authorities. Where do I go and file a complaint? I feel so helpless, despite being a lawyer and well-connected in society, what do you think the Kashmiris feel? Can we win the hearts and minds of the Kashmiri people by treating them like subhuman beings?’

With that start, she takes the reader to what’s been happening inside and outside our jails and prisons, and in the corridors of power and in those international and national conferences. This volume is a must-read for those who want to study the facts around the Afzal Guru case in the context and backdrop of the prevailing political  scenario. Nandita has laid out every single detail, right from the basic ‘why’ she took up this particular  case, to the very system and police machinery, and everything else in between.

I also known Afzal Guru’s other lawyer, ND Pancholi. On two earlier occasions, I had asked him about Afzal’s conduct in jail. He had said, “He keeps reading the Quran and praying…he is kept in isolation, but he is calm.” Pancholi was also of the firm view that Afzal was implicated in the case would never get a fair trial.

After the hanging, our ‘democratic’ setup gagged the protests and mourning in the Valley with a curfew. Here, in New Delhi, right wing goons blackened the faces of left wing protestors, all under the watchful eyes of the cops. Added to this, senior journalist Iftikhar  Gilani (who works with DNA) and his family were detained and questioned for several hours in their South Delhi home.

I end this piece with lines by Turkish poet Nazim Hikmet, who spent 35 years in prison because he was a Communist:

‘The  moment you’re born

they plant around you

mills that grind lies

lies to last you a  lifetime.

You keep thinking of your great freedom

a finger on your temple. Free to have a free conscience.

Your  heart bent as if half –cut from the nape,

your  arms long, hanging,

you saunter about in your great freedom: you’re free

with the freedom of being unemployed.

You love your country as the nearest, most precious thing to you.

But one day, for example,

they may endorse it over to America,

and you too, with your great freedom – you have the freedom to become an airbase.

You may proclaim that you must live, not as a tool,

a number or a link, but as a human being.

Then at once they handcuff your wrists.

You are free to be arrested, imprisoned and even hanged.

There’s neither an iron, wooden

nor a tulle curtain in your life;

there’s no need to choose freedom:

you are free.

But this kind of freedom

is a sad affair under the stars.’

Humra Quraishi is a senior political journalist based in Gurgaon. She is author of Kashmir: The Untold Story and co-author of Simply Khushwant.

(Featured image courtesy deccanchronicle.com)

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